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the President dissolved Parliament

  • 1 President

       The head of state, under the constitution of the French Fifth Republic (Cinquième république). The French president is elected by direct universal suffrage, for a term of five years in office. Since the 2008 constitutional reform introduced by President Sarkozy, a president may serve no more than two five-year terms in office. Election by universal suffrage was first introduced following a referendum organised by General de Gaulle in 1962. Originally the presidential term in office was seven years, with one president, F. Mitterrand, serving a full two terms. With presidential and legislative elections operating according to different calendars, swings in the popularity of parties and their leaders led in the mid eighties to situations or " Cohabitation", with presidents and parliamentary majorities from different sides of the political spectrum. In 2002, presidential and legislative elections were held within two months of each other, each leading to five year terms in office for those elected; thus president Chirac emerged for a second term in office with a solid parliamentary majority of his own supporters.
       The president is responsible for choosing his Prime Minister (see Premier Ministre), who proposes a team of government ministers which the president must approve. He is the chief of the executive, who oversees weekly cabinet meetings (see Conseil des ministres), and promulgates new laws. He is also the commander in chief of French forces. He has the power to dissolve theNational Assembly and call legislative elections - a power used rather disastrously in 1997 by Jacques Chirac, who dissolved the Assembly in attempt to give his "presidential majority" a rather less slender majority, only to see the Socialist opposition voted into power.
       In exceptional cases of national emergency, Article 16 of the Constitutiongives the president the power to rule without the consent of parliament.
       See also Giscard d'Estaing, Pompidou

    Dictionnaire Français-Anglais. Agriculture Biologique > President

  • 2 corte

    f.
    1 court.
    2 court (tribunal). (especially Latin American Spanish)
    corte Penal Internacional International Criminal Court
    m.
    1 cut (raja).
    corte de pelo haircut
    2 length (retal de tela).
    3 shape (contorno).
    4 section.
    5 style.
    6 break (pausa).
    corte publicitario commercial break
    7 (cutting) edge (filo). (peninsular Spanish)
    8 cut, cutback (reducción) (presupuestario, salarial). ( Latin American Spanish)
    9 embarrassment (informal) (vergüenza).
    dar corte a alguien to embarrass somebody
    me da corte decírselo I feel embarrassed to tell him
    dar o pegar un corte a alguien to cut somebody dead
    11 court room.
    12 piece of cloth.
    13 cut of meat, cut.
    14 haircut.
    15 errand made for a fee.
    16 break-up.
    17 tendency, style.
    18 slap in the face, put-down.
    pres.subj.
    3rd person singular (él/ella/ello) Present Subjunctive of Spanish verb: cortar.
    * * *
    2 (séquito) retinue
    1 the Spanish Parliament sing
    \
    hacer la corte a to court, pay court to
    ————————
    1 (gen) cut
    2 (filo) edge
    3 (sección) section
    5 (de pelo) cut, haircut
    6 (de helado) wafer, US ice-cream sandwich
    \
    dar un corte a alguien familiar to cut somebody dead
    ¡qué corte! familiar what a blow!
    corte y confección dressmaking
    * * *
    1. noun f. 2. noun m.
    * * *
    I
    SM
    1) (=incisión, herida) cut

    hacerse un corte — to cut o.s.

    corte longitudinal — lengthwise section, longitudinal section

    2) (tb: corte de pelo) cut, haircut
    3) (Cos) (=diseño) cut
    4) (=interrupción) cut

    corte de carretera — [para obras, accidente] road closure; [como protesta] roadblock

    5) (=estilo)
    6) (=trozo)

    corte (de helado) — wafer, ice cream sandwich (EEUU)

    7) * (=respuesta contundente)

    dar un corte a algn: ¡vaya corte que te dieron! — that was one in the eye for you, wasn't it!

    corte de mangas — rude gesture made with the arm and hand which is the equivalent of giving the V-sign or, in the US, the finger

    le hizo un corte de mangas a los fotógrafos — he made a o the V-sign at the photographers, he gave two fingers to the photographers, he gave the photographers the finger (EEUU)

    8) * (=vergüenza)

    ¡qué corte, me besó delante de todos! — how embarrassing! he kissed me in front of everyone!

    llevarse un corte: me llevé un buen corte cuando supe que tenía novio — I felt really silly when I found out she had a boyfriend

    9) (=borde) edge

    dar corte a algo — to sharpen sth, put an edge on sth

    10) [de disco] track
    11) (Min) stint
    12) Cono Sur (=importancia)
    II
    SF
    1) [de un rey] (=residencia) court; (=séquito) court, entourage, retinue
    villa 1)
    2)

    hacer la corte a algn — (=cortejar) to pay court to sb; (=halagar) to win favour with sb, lick sb's boots *, suck up to sb *

    no deja de hacerme la corte a ver si le presto dinero — he keeps licking my boots o sucking up to me so that I'll lend him some money

    3) (Jur) law court
    4) (=ciudad) capital, capital city
    5)

    las Cortes — (Pol) Spanish parliament

    CORTES GENERALES The Spanish parliament consists of a lower house, the Congreso de los Diputados, and an upper house, the Senado. Members of the lower house are called diputados and members of the Senado are senadores.
    See:
    ver nota culturelle CONGRESO DE LOS DIPUTADOS in congreso,
    * * *
    I
    1)
    a) ( tajo) cut
    b) ( de carne) cut, cut of meat
    c) tb

    corte de pelo — haircut, cut

    un corte en el suministro eléctrico — (frml) a power cut

    3) (Ven) ( separación) (fam) break-up, bust-up (colloq)

    darle un corte a alguien — to break o split up with somebody

    4) (AmL) ( en el presupuesto) cut
    5) (Cin) ( por la censura) cut
    6)
    a) ( de tela) length, length of material
    b) ( en costura) cut

    un traje de buen corte — a well-made o well-cut suit

    7) (tendencia, estilo)
    8) (Esp fam)
    a) ( vergüenza) embarrassment
    9) (fam) (Audio) track
    10) (RPl fam) ( atención)

    darse corte — (RPl fam) to show off

    II
    1) ( del rey) court

    hacerle la corte a alguien — ( cortejar) (ant) to woo somebody (dated or liter)

    2) (esp AmL) (Der) Court of Appeal
    3) las Cortes femenino plural (Pol) ( en Esp) Parliament, the legislative assembly
    * * *
    I
    1)
    a) ( tajo) cut
    b) ( de carne) cut, cut of meat
    c) tb

    corte de pelo — haircut, cut

    un corte en el suministro eléctrico — (frml) a power cut

    3) (Ven) ( separación) (fam) break-up, bust-up (colloq)

    darle un corte a alguien — to break o split up with somebody

    4) (AmL) ( en el presupuesto) cut
    5) (Cin) ( por la censura) cut
    6)
    a) ( de tela) length, length of material
    b) ( en costura) cut

    un traje de buen corte — a well-made o well-cut suit

    7) (tendencia, estilo)
    8) (Esp fam)
    a) ( vergüenza) embarrassment
    9) (fam) (Audio) track
    10) (RPl fam) ( atención)

    darse corte — (RPl fam) to show off

    II
    1) ( del rey) court

    hacerle la corte a alguien — ( cortejar) (ant) to woo somebody (dated or liter)

    2) (esp AmL) (Der) Court of Appeal
    3) las Cortes femenino plural (Pol) ( en Esp) Parliament, the legislative assembly
    * * *
    corte1
    1 = severance, cut, cut off [cutoff], break, slit, snip, nick, clipping.

    Ex: Examples can be found where exchange of publications remains as the only form of contact after severance of diplomatic and trade relations.

    Ex: The best concentration of PVA solutions for restoring is 8 per cent for mending tears and suturing cuts.
    Ex: It is assumed that the sum of those units receiving top priority status is less than the current budgeted amount and that a cut off will occur at some point.
    Ex: In terms of the reference process a break in the chain has occurred between the information need and the initial question.
    Ex: To make room for your puppet's mouth, make a slit in the sock between your thumb and fingers.
    Ex: With a snip here and a snip there, it's easy to turn a plant into a living sculpture.
    Ex: The table was purchased a year and a half ago as a conference table and has a few nicks and scratches but still looks good.
    Ex: The interlacing of twigs into wickerwork is in all probability contemporary with first clipping of flint into arrow-heads.
    * alicates de corte = wire cutters.
    * corte de pelo = hair cut.
    * corte de voz = voice insert.
    * corte temporal = time period.
    * corte transversal = cross-section [cross section], sectional cutting.
    * de corte + Adjetivo = of a + Adjetivo + nature.

    corte2
    2 = outage, power shutdown.

    Ex: The ARPAnet was an experimental network designed to support military research -- in particular, research about how to build networks that could withstand partial outages (like bomb attacks) and still function.

    Ex: A reminder that the library is closed all day this Saturday due to a power shutdown in the building.
    * corte de corriente = power cut, power failure.
    * corte de la corriente eléctrica = power failure, power cut.
    * corte de luz = power outage, power failure, outage, disruption in the flow of electricity, power cut.
    * corte de suministro = power shutdown.
    * corte en el fluido eléctrico = power cut, power failure.

    corte3
    3 = court.

    Ex: The protagonist experiences a jarring descent from the heights of literary distinction at court to the coarseness of common experience.

    corte4
    * dar corte = self-conscious, feel + shy.
    * * *
    A
    1 (tajo) cut
    tenía varios cortes en la cara he had several cuts on his face
    hazle un pequeño corte en la parte superior make a little cut o nick in the top
    2 (de carne) cut, cut of meat
    3
    tb corte de pelo haircut, cut
    Compuestos:
    razor cut
    ( Esp) ice cream sandwich ( AmE), wafer ( BrE)
    lengthwise section, longitudinal section ( tech)
    transverse section, cross section
    B
    (interrupción): un corte en el suministro de fluido eléctrico ( frml); an outage ( AmE) o ( BrE) a power cut
    este verano hemos tenido varios cortes de agua the water has been cut off several times this summer
    se produjeron cortes de carretera en toda la provincia roads were blocked all over the province
    hubo un corte a una escena donde … it cut to a scene where …
    Compuestos:
    ( AmL) break, commercial break
    stomach cramp
    outage ( AmE), power cut ( BrE)
    commercial break, break
    C ( Ven) (separación) ( fam) break-up, bust-up ( colloq)
    le dio un corte a su novia he broke o split up with his girlfriend
    F
    1 (de tela) length, length of material
    2
    (en costura): siempre lleva trajes de buen corte he always wears well-made o well-cut suits
    Compuestos:
    ≈ V-sign ( in UK)
    les hizo un corte de mangas he gave them the finger, he did o made a V-sign at them ( BrE)
    dressmaking
    G
    (tendencia, estilo): canciones de corte romántico songs of a romantic kind o nature, romantic songs
    un discurso de neto corte nacionalista a speech with a clear nationalistic slant o bias o feeling to it
    en cualquier país de corte democrático in any country of democratic persuasion
    H ( Esp fam)
    1 (vergüenza) embarrassment
    me da corte ir sola I'm embarrassed to go by myself
    es un corte tener que pedírselo otra vez it's embarrassing having to ask him again
    2
    (respuesta tajante): ¡menudo corte! what a put-down! ( colloq)
    le dieron un buen corte cuando le dijeron que … it was a real slap in the face for him o it was a real put-down when they told him that …
    I ( fam) ( Audio) track
    J
    ( RPl fam) (atención): darle corte a algn to take notice of sb
    darse corte ( RPl fam); to show off
    L ( Elec) cut-off
    voltaje/frecuencia de corte cut-off voltage/frequency
    corte2 Cortes Generales (↑ corte a1)
    A (del rey) court
    vive rodeado de una corte de aduladores he is constantly surrounded by a circle of admirers
    hacerle la corte a algn (cortejar) ( ant); to woo sb ( datedor liter), to court sb ( dated); (halagar, agasajar) to lick sb's boots
    B ( esp AmL) ( Der) Court of Appeal
    Compuestos:
    Military Appeal Court
    ( AmL) Supreme Court
    C las Cortes fpl ( Pol) (en Esp) Parliament, the legislative assembly
    las Cortes generales se reunieron ayer Parliament met yesterday
    frente a las Cortes opposite the Parliament building
    Cortes Generales (↑ corte a1)
    Compuesto:
    fpl constituent assembly
    * * *

     

    Del verbo cortar: ( conjugate cortar)

    corté es:

    1ª persona singular (yo) pretérito indicativo

    corte es:

    1ª persona singular (yo) presente subjuntivo

    3ª persona singular (él/ella/usted) presente subjuntivo

    3ª persona singular (él/ella/usted) imperativo

    Multiple Entries:
    cortar    
    corte
    cortar ( conjugate cortar) verbo transitivo
    1 ( dividir) ‹cuerda/pastel› to cut, chop;
    ‹ asado› to carve;
    ‹leña/madera› to chop;
    ‹ baraja› to cut;
    ◊ corte algo por la mitad to cut sth in half o in two;

    corte algo en rodajas/en cuadritos to slice/dice sth;
    corte algo en trozos to cut sth into pieces
    2 (quitar, separar) ‹rama/punta/pierna› to cut off;
    ‹ árbol› to cut down, chop down;
    ‹ flores› (CS) to pick;

    3 ( hacer más corto) ‹pelo/uñas› to cut;
    ‹césped/pasto› to mow;
    ‹ seto› to cut;
    ‹ rosal› to cut back;
    ‹ texto› to cut down
    4 ( en costura) ‹falda/vestido› to cut out
    5 ( interrumpir)
    a) ‹agua/gas/luz/teléfono› to cut off;

    ‹película/programa› to interrupt
    b) ‹ calle› [policía/obreros] to close, block off;

    [ manifestantes] to block;

    6 (censurar, editar) ‹ película› to cut;
    ‹escena/diálogo› to cut (out)
    7 [ frío]:
    ◊ el frío me cortó los labios my lips were chapped o cracked from the cold weather

    verbo intransitivo
    1 [cuchillo/tijeras] to cut
    2
    a) (Cin):

    ◊ ¡corten! cut!




    cortarse verbo pronominal
    1 ( interrumpirse) [proyección/película] to stop;
    [llamada/gas] to get cut off;

    se me cortó la respiración I could hardly breathe
    2

    ‹brazo/cara› to cut;

    b) ( refl) ‹uñas/pelo› to cut;


    c) ( caus) ‹ pelo› to have … cut;


    d) [piel/labios] to crack, become chapped

    3 ( cruzarse) [líneas/calles] to cross
    4 [ leche] to curdle;
    [mayonesa/salsa] to separate
    5 (Chi, Esp) [ persona] (turbarse, aturdirse) to get embarrassed
    corte sustantivo masculino
    1 ( en general) cut;

    corte de pelo haircut;
    corte a (la) navaja razor cut;
    un corte de luz a power cut;
    tuvimos varios cortes de agua the water was cut off several times;
    corte de digestión stomach cramp;
    corte publicitario (RPl) commercial break
    2


    ◊ un traje de buen corte a well-made o well-cut suit;

    corte y confección dressmaking
    3 (Esp fam) ( vergüenza) embarrassment;

    ¡qué corte! how embarrassing!
    4 (RPl fam) ( atención):

    ■ sustantivo femenino

    b) (esp AmL) (Der) Court of Appeal;


    c)

    ◊ las Cortes sustantivo femenino plural (Pol) ( en Esp) Parliament, the legislative assembly

    cortar
    I verbo transitivo
    1 to cut
    (un árbol) to cut down
    (el césped) to mow
    2 (amputar) to cut off
    3 (la luz, el teléfono) to cut off
    4 (impedir el paso) to block
    5 (eliminar, censurar) to cut out
    II verbo intransitivo
    1 (partir) to cut
    2 (atajar) to cut across, to take a short cut
    3 familiar (interrumpir una relación) to split up: cortó con su novia, he split up with his girlfriend
    ♦ Locuciones: familiar cortar por lo sano, to put an end to
    corte 1 sustantivo masculino
    1 cut
    corte de pelo, haircut
    2 (interrupción de suministro eléctrico) power cut
    (de agua) es el segundo corte de agua en una semana, the water has been cut off twice this week
    3 Cost cut
    corte y confección, dressmaking
    4 (sección) section
    5 familiar (respuesta ingeniosa) rebuff: le dio un corte estupendo a ese engreído, she really put that bighead in his place
    6 (estilo) style
    7 corte de digestión, stomach cramp
    corte de mangas, GB V-sign
    TV corte publicitario, commercial break
    corte transversal, cross section
    corte 2 sustantivo femenino
    1 (residencia y compañía real) court
    2 Las Cortes, (Spanish) Parliament sing
    ♦ Locuciones: hacerle la corte a alguien, to court sb
    ' corte' also found in these entries:
    Spanish:
    comer
    - decir
    - ir
    - Tajo
    - trasquiladura
    - villa
    - abertura
    - cortar
    - endurecer
    - filete
    - me
    - melena
    - practicar
    - sección
    - tajo
    - transversal
    - vidrio
    English:
    brownout
    - court
    - crew cut
    - crop
    - cut
    - gash
    - hack
    - haircut
    - length
    - notch
    - ragged
    - section
    - severance
    - slit
    - snip
    - trim
    - V
    - V-sign
    - cross
    - hair
    - layer
    - line
    - myself
    - nick
    - shut
    - sirloin
    - slash
    - supreme
    - wire
    * * *
    ♦ nm
    1. [raja] cut;
    [en pantalones, camisa] tear;
    tiene un corte en la mano she has cut her hand;
    corte y confección [para mujeres] dressmaking; [para hombres] tailoring;
    corte de pelo haircut
    2. [retal de tela] length
    3. [interrupción]
    mañana habrá corte de agua de nueve a diez the water will be cut off tomorrow between nine and ten;
    la sequía ha obligado a imponer cortes de agua the drought has forced the authorities to cut off the water supply for a number of hours each day;
    corte de corriente o [m5] luz power cut
    corte de digestión stomach cramps
    4. [sección] section;
    corte longitudinal lengthways section, Espec longitudinal section;
    corte transversal cross-section
    5. [concepción, estilo] style;
    una chaqueta de corte clásico a jacket with a classic cut;
    una novela de corte fantástico a novel with an air of fantasy about it;
    un gobierno de corte autoritario a government with authoritarian tendencies
    6. [pausa] break
    corte publicitario commercial break
    7. Esp [filo] (cutting) edge;
    este corte está muy afilado this blade is very sharp
    8. [en golf] cut;
    meterse en o [m5] pasar el corte to make the cut
    9. [en ciclismo] breakaway (group);
    meterse en el corte to join the breakaway group
    10. [helado] Br wafer, US ice-cream sandwich
    11. [en baraja] cut
    12. Am [reducción] cut, cutback
    corte presupuestario budget cut;
    corte salarial wage o pay cut
    13. Cine [por la censura] cut
    14. Fam [vergüenza] embarrassment;
    me da corte decírselo I feel embarrassed to tell him;
    ¡qué corte tener que hablar con ella! how embarrassing having to talk to her!
    15. Fam [respuesta ingeniosa] put-down;
    dar o [m5] pegar un corte a alguien to cut sb dead;
    le di un buen corte y dejó de molestarme my put-down made him stop annoying me
    16. corte de mangas = obscene gesture involving raising one arm with a clenched fist and placing one's other hand in the crook of one's elbow;
    hacer un corte de mangas a alguien Br ≈ to stick two fingers up at sb, US ≈ to flip sb the bird
    17. Fam [de disco] track
    ♦ nf
    1. [del rey] court;
    la corte celestial the Heavenly Host
    2. [galanteo]
    3. [comitiva] entourage, retinue;
    vino el ministro con toda su corte the minister arrived with his entourage
    4. Esp
    las Cortes (Generales) [cámara legislativa] the Spanish parliament
    Cortes Constituyentes constituent assembly
    5. esp Am [tribunal] court
    Corte Penal Internacional International Criminal Court;
    * * *
    1 m
    2
    :
    me da corte fam I’m embarrassed
    3
    :
    hacerle un corte de mangas a alguien fam give s.o. the finger fam
    2 f
    1 real court;
    2 L.Am.
    JUR (law) court
    3
    :
    las Cortes Spanish parliament
    * * *
    corte nm
    1) : cut, cutting
    corte de pelo: haircut
    2) : style, fit
    corte nf
    1) : court
    corte suprema: supreme court
    2)
    hacer la corte a : to court, to woo
    * * *
    2. (realeza) court
    dar/pegar un corte a alguien to put somebody down [pt. & pp.> put]

    Spanish-English dictionary > corte

  • 3 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 4 Socialist Party / Partido Socialista

    (PS)
       Although the Socialist Party's origins can be traced back to the 1850s, its existence has not been continuous. The party did not achieve or maintain a large base of support until after the Revolution of 25 April 1974. Historically, it played only a minor political role when compared to other European socialist parties.
       During the Estado Novo, the PS found it difficult to maintain a clandestine existence, and the already weak party literally withered away. Different groups and associations endeavored to keep socialist ideals alive, but they failed to create an organizational structure that would endure. In 1964, Mário Soares, Francisco Ramos da Costa, and Manuel Tito de Morais established the Portuguese Socialist Action / Acção Socialista Português (ASP) in Geneva, a group of individuals with similar views rather than a true political party. Most members were middle-class professionals committed to democratizing the nation. The rigidity of the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) led some to join the ASP.
       By the early 1970s, ASP nuclei existed beyond Portugal in Paris, London, Rome, Brussels, Frankfurt, Sweden, and Switzerland; these consisted of members studying, working, teaching, researching, or in other activities. Extensive connections were developed with other foreign socialist parties. Changing conditions in Portugal, as well as the colonial wars, led several ASP members to advocate the creation of a real political party, strengthening the organization within Portugal, and positioning this to compete for power once the regime changed.
       The current PS was founded clandestinely on 19 April 1973, by a group of 27 exiled Portuguese and domestic ASP representatives at the Kurt Schumacher Academy of the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung in Bad Munstereifel, West Germany. The founding philosophy was influenced by nondogmatic Marxism as militants sought to create a classless society. The rhetoric was to be revolutionary to outflank its competitors, especially the PCP, on its left. The party hoped to attract reform-minded Catholics and other groups that were committed to democracy but could not support the communists.
       At the time of the 1974 revolution, the PS was little more than an elite faction based mainly among exiles. It was weakly organized and had little grassroots support outside the major cities and larger towns. Its organization did not improve significantly until the campaign for the April 1975 constituent elections. Since then, the PS has become very pragmatic and moderate and has increasingly diluted its socialist program until it has become a center-left party. Among the party's most consistent principles in its platform since the late 1970s has been its support for Portugal's membership in the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Union (EU), a view that clashed with those of its rivals to the left, especially the PCP. Given the PS's broad base of support, the increased distance between its leftist rhetoric and its more conservative actions has led to sharp internal divisions in the party. The PS and the Social Democratic Party (PSD) are now the two dominant parties in the Portuguese political party system.
       In doctrine and rhetoric the PS has undergone a de-Marxification and a movement toward the center as a means to challenge its principal rival for hegemony, the PSD. The uneven record of the PS in general elections since its victory in 1975, and sometimes its failure to keep strong legislative majorities, have discouraged voters. While the party lost the 1979 and 1980 general elections, it triumphed in the 1983 elections, when it won 36 percent of the vote, but it still did not gain an absolute majority in the Assembly of the Republic. The PSD led by Cavaco Silva dominated elections from 1985 to 1995, only to be defeated by the PS in the 1995 general elections. By 2000, the PS had conquered the commanding heights of the polity: President Jorge Sampaio had been reelected for a second term, PS prime minister António Guterres was entrenched, and the mayor of Lisbon was João Soares, son of the former socialist president, Mário Soares (1986-96).
       The ideological transformation of the PS occurred gradually after 1975, within the context of a strong PSD, an increasingly conservative electorate, and the de-Marxification of other European Socialist parties, including those in Germany and Scandinavia. While the PS paid less attention to the PCP on its left and more attention to the PSD, party leaders shed Marxist trappings. In the 1986 PS official program, for example, the text does not include the word Marxism.
       Despite the party's election victories in the mid- and late-1990s, the leadership discovered that their grasp of power and their hegemony in governance at various levels was threatened by various factors: President Jorge Sampaio's second term, the constitution mandated, had to be his last.
       Following the defeat of the PS by the PSD in the municipal elections of December 2001, Premier Antônio Guterres resigned his post, and President Sampaio dissolved parliament and called parliamentary elections for the spring. In the 17 March 2002 elections, following Guterres's resignation as party leader, the PS was defeated by the PSD by a vote of 40 percent to 38 percent. Among the factors that brought about the socialists' departure from office was the worsening post-September 11 economy and disarray within the PS leadership circles, as well as charges of corruption among PS office holders. However, the PS won 45 percent of the vote in parliamentary elections of 2005, and the leader of the party, José Sócrates, a self-described "market-oriented socialist" became prime minister.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Socialist Party / Partido Socialista

  • 5 anteriormente

    adv.
    previously.
    * * *
    1 previously, before
    * * *
    adv.
    * * *
    ADV previously, before

    anteriormente, lo hacíamos así — we used to do it like this

    * * *
    adverbio (frml) before, previously
    * * *
    = earlier, formerly, once, previously, earlier on.
    Ex. These will be established in keeping with the principles established earlier.
    Ex. Mr. Berman was formerly Editor of the Social Responsibility Round Table (SRRT) Newsletter and is still a member of SRRT, but chooses not to be a member of the American Library Association.
    Ex. Many reference sources which were once available only in hard copy are now available either in hard copy, or to be consulted by online access to a computer-held data base.
    Ex. Knowledge generally evolves from an identifiable base, and often new subjects arise from the coming together of two previously separate subjects.
    Ex. It is helpful to the student to see this response-explanation stage of the reference process as the counterpart to the question-negotiation stage earlier on.
    ----
    * anteriormente citado = foregoing.
    * dicho anteriormente, lo = foregoing, the.
    * lo anteriormente expuesto = the preceding.
    * mencionado anteriormente = said.
    * que era común anteriormente = once-common.
    * * *
    adverbio (frml) before, previously
    * * *
    = earlier, formerly, once, previously, earlier on.

    Ex: These will be established in keeping with the principles established earlier.

    Ex: Mr. Berman was formerly Editor of the Social Responsibility Round Table (SRRT) Newsletter and is still a member of SRRT, but chooses not to be a member of the American Library Association.
    Ex: Many reference sources which were once available only in hard copy are now available either in hard copy, or to be consulted by online access to a computer-held data base.
    Ex: Knowledge generally evolves from an identifiable base, and often new subjects arise from the coming together of two previously separate subjects.
    Ex: It is helpful to the student to see this response-explanation stage of the reference process as the counterpart to the question-negotiation stage earlier on.
    * anteriormente citado = foregoing.
    * dicho anteriormente, lo = foregoing, the.
    * lo anteriormente expuesto = the preceding.
    * mencionado anteriormente = said.
    * que era común anteriormente = once-common.

    * * *
    ( frml); before, previously
    esto le había sido comunicado anteriormente he had been informed of this previously o before
    anteriormente A QUE + SUBJ:
    anteriormente a que fuera disuelto el parlamento prior to the dissolution of Parliament, prior to Parliament being dissolved
    * * *

     

    anteriormente adverbio previously, before
    ' anteriormente' also found in these entries:
    Spanish:
    billón
    English:
    previously
    - above
    - aforementioned
    - do
    - qualify
    * * *
    previously;
    como dije anteriormente,… as I said previously o before,…;
    anteriormente a la llegada del presidente prior to o before the president's arrival
    * * *
    adv
    1 previously, before;
    sus amigos habían acudido anteriormente a la casa his friends had gone to the house earlier o beforehand
    2
    :
    anteriormente a prior to
    * * *
    : previously, beforehand
    * * *
    anteriormente adv formerly / previously

    Spanish-English dictionary > anteriormente

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